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MORI DocID: 1451843
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Sine Sl a One final consideration—it would be unwise to use fiotential Sait iE
FE El WU GR MIAMI) weapons of this sort for niggling purposes. The balance of pay. fans
ARE AREY NPS Se ments has heen troublesome and is properly an object of concern Eat 3
Fao AER BERR Eg kh) in Washington, but surely it is not a first-order consideration _ brian
E 0 Sat Shy HG Hea GE in our relations with the underdeveloped nations. Suggestions ig
ERR YF RAERE PR RR TRE have been bruited about that we should make use of the aid © pease:
foot SUE program lo force recipients to buy from us in ways that go ae
To 5 TE Re BR Sa beyond tied aid. Under the best of circumstances, our bargaining pe
He ARR a PO i RA ee ey power is limited, and shooting away strategic ammunition for so SER
lA PEE Eh MES ECU) e Barta
Pee TR EE paltry an economic goal would seem to reflect a poor sense of ps
po REERIP RANE REE oJ SET tY proportion. . ee
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fil CLR ER Ee, Within an over-all framework dasigned to discourage hostile fn
a TR RE Peed nn or predatory attitudes toward the West, the aid program may franant |
prt he 2 dad edit i " i y paar
filsdan ania ah SRS alae Cle seek to foster the maximum rate of economic and social progress. . iia
oposite a hdl ie En AT RE In the basic policy of AID, the Kennedy Administration has, fora ln
ea SA explicitly adopted this goal. As.has been indicated there are Ea
front YS a ae costs to this decision, Outsiders are not likely to be much liked Fema
por de len LE Ch a MO even under the best of civeumstances, which havdly apply to the PRETIRe)
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fa Ee A a EEA a underdeveloped countries, and their intervention in whatever pied
boon ban ie 0a BAN er eas Pos ig direction will in the long run excite antagonism based on’ real : FrSe
cs RG Cn] UE LEE RR A or fancied wrongs. Nevertheless, the basic decision has been Leseian:
Ws RRA nn ET pe A ER made. Let us examine in what way we may proceed so that the SEE
ER BA eR en good effects clearly outweigh the iif effects. Ble
Be re ct LE There are two initial postulates: (1) our bargaining. power Ea
pre BEARER ER A vit Vi will be limited, and (2) American notions of social reform and Brag
A aT of equity are neither necessarily applicable in the underdeveloped ean
| ploy RECIRE BEY BRAC lands, nor need we assume ‘that those whose cooperation we prose
folie EE ECE 0 3 5 must win will find them appenling. These postulates are inter- jsann
oki LT FARE related. Jointly they imply that we cannot press forward en fit
Hn BE Th DE RT all fronts to create a society in which a good American democrat BER
Ee EE will feel at home, but must insted concentiate our energies on [AGL
PT ARS a eS those sacfal changes which will spur cconomic growth even if aid]
Hao WT PENA the immediate results are more consistent with the cultural Bil
Ee rs eT Sr genius of the peoples involved rather than our own tastes. We SRE
LE Tare en TE TR ought not expect them to make the same choices as we would, ita
pro SEE UT eA NR ep or, if they make the same choices, to achieve in a ten-year period  BREkEe
dir TIC SE SI SR what it took us eighty years to achieve, Finally, in reaching FRE
Rebates CT a he Bogie rg Judgments on social processes in other lands, we cannot apply - REE
fel Foe IR od NL what are our own—aor, in reality, higher—standards of purity. phir
RE TEPER MC it As outsiders, we will be unable to perceive the social function  - en
HIRE RE tsiders, we 5 foes
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